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EDITORIAL TODAY (ENGLISH)

in this section, we are presenting our readers/aspirants compilation of selected editorials of national daily viz. The Hindu, The live mint,The Times of India, Hindustan Times, The Economic Times, PIB etc. This section caters the requirement of Civil Services Mains (GS + Essay) , PCS, HAS Mains (GS + Essay) & others essay writing competitions

1.Win for daughters: But more needed to ensure women’s property rights

In another win for women’s right to inheritance of property, the Supreme Court has ruled that daughters will have equal rights to their father’s property even prior to the enactment of the Hindu Succession Act (HSA) of 1956. In fact, it clarified that if a property of a male Hindu dying intestate is a self-acquired property or obtained in partition of a coparcenary or family property, the same would devolve by inheritance to daughters, and not by survivorship as was the case before 1956. The apex court has been progressively interpreting the 2005 amendment to the HSA and in 2020 clarified that daughters had coparcenary rights by birth.

In a country where women face massive social and legal hurdles to inheritance, this is a big win. Thanks to deep patriarchal mores and rural-agrarian settings, property, which is seen as a primary source of wealth, is largely inclined to be passed on to male heirs. This in turn deprives women of agency, financial independence and entrepreneurship. True, the recently released National Family Health Survey-5 says that 43% of women respondents reported owning house/land alone or jointly. But doubts remain about women’s ability to actually access and control property. In fact, a 2020 University of Manchester working paper found barely 16% of women in rural landowning households own land.

Plus, inheritance laws for agricultural land remain a minefield with conflicting central personal laws and state laws. In this regard, states such as Punjab, Haryana, UP and even Delhi have regressive inheritance provisions. In fact, Haryana twice tried to take away the progressive rights given to women through HSA, while in UP since 2016 married daughters aren’t considered primary heirs. Add to this ground-level resistance to registering land for women in several north Indian states. Thus, women’s empowerment and property rights remain an unfinished project.

2.Reform civil service: Too few senior officers, too many departments

The Centre’s proposed amendment to central deputation rules for IAS, IPS and Indian Forest Service officers to mitigate the shortage of personnel is being opposed by opposition-ruled states. The situation calls for reforms instead of confrontation. GoI’s grouse is that states haven’t been clearing enough officers for central deputation while states complain the new rules easing GoI’s ability to secure an assured supply of officers is a power grab in disguise. Both sides should recognise the key problems – shortage of officers and abundance of government departments.

Therefore, intake of officers through UPSC must increase. GoI’s Group A officers undertaking leadership roles account for just 2.8% of central employees. Too few senior public service employees undermines governance. India’s 3.8% of the workforce comprising public sector officials is pitifully low compared to 22.5% in UK, 13.5% in US and 28% in China. Against UP and Karnataka having 80 and 85 salaried government employees per 10,000 population, virtually no US state has corresponding numbers lower than 200.

Second, big ideas like lateral entry have stuttered. Reforms that streamline emoluments, link development outcomes to career progression, and insulate bureaucrats from unwarranted political interference, are needed to woo talent from corporate, research and academic fields. Third, sprawling governments need trimming. States are constantly spawning new PSUs and welfare bodies. For instance, in 2020, Andhra formed a whopping 56 backward class corporations. Instead of subdividing existing pies, talk about real reforms.

3.Wrong remedy: On IAS, IPS deputation rule changes

States have rightly raised questions about proposed rule changes on IAS, IPS deputation

That the wrong remedy could exacerbate an ailment and not cure it is a well understood adage. This holds true for the Union government’s (Department of Personnel & Training – DoPT) proposals to amend Rule 6 related to deputation of cadre officers of the IAS (Cadre) Rules 1954. Reports have shown that the deputation from States to the Union government has been uneven. Some States have not nominated officers for deputation adequately to work with the Union government; in this, West Bengal (11 out of the 280 officers are on central deputation), Rajasthan (13 out of 247) and Telangana (7 out of an authorised strength of 208) stand out. This has led to vacancies across Union government ministries. Numbers accessed by The Hindu show that actual deputation as a percentage of the mandated reserves fell from 69% (2014) to 30% (2021), suggesting that there is merit in the DoPT’s identification of shortages in deputation being an issue. But does this necessitate the rule changes proposed by the DoPT, which include acquiring overriding powers for the Union government that will do away with seeking approval from the States for transferring IAS and IPS officers?

Two of the rules are particularly problematic — in case of any disagreement between the Union and State governments, the States shall give effect to the former’s decision “within a specified time”. And in some “specific situations”, States would have to depute certain cadres whose services are sought by the Union government. These changes amount to arm-twisting States and unwilling bureaucrats to be deputed to serve the Union government and also presenting a fait accompli to States for “specific situations” which have not been defined and prone to misinterpretation and politicisation. These proposed changes have unsurprisingly raised the hackles of State governments. As governance responsibilities during the pandemic have shown, States are quite dependent upon the bureaucracy, and deputation to the Union government should not be done at the cost of State requirements. Also, the Union government must address the key question of the reluctance of capable civil servants to be deputed away from the States. Reports have indicated that civil servants have found the top-down culture in Union government offices to be stifling and prefer the relative autonomy at the State level. There is clearly a need for a more qualitative approach that tackles such work culture issues. Besides, a State-by-State look at deputation that disincentivises those States which depute officers much below the mandated numbers to the Union government by adjusting future cadre strength reviews by the Union Public Service Commission should also address the shortage problem. These steps are better than any rule changes that amount to fiats striking at federalism.

4.Himalayan questions: On the absence of environment in Uttarakhand campaign

Environmental issues have failed to dominate the campaign in an eco-fragile Uttarakhand

In the run-up to the February 14 Uttarakhand Assembly elections, temples and development are among the issues raised by politicians. Former Uttarakhand Chief Minister Trivendra Singh Rawat’s attempt to bring the four shrines of Badrinath, Kedarnath, Gangotri and Yamunotri as well as other temples under one board ended with the 2019 Act being withdrawn in November 2021, after continued opposition from priests. The new Chief Minister, Pushkar Singh Dhami, who in July 2021 replaced Tirath Singh Rawat, who had replaced Mr. Trivendra Singh Rawat in March of the same year, carried out a review. Mr. Dhami said while the decision to constitute the board may have been taken with good intentions, it had been rolled back after discussion within the Government. Going into the elections, everyone from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to local leaders in the BJP have touted the redevelopment of Kedarnath as among the achievements of what they call the “double engine” government in the Centre and Uttarakhand. In December, Mr. Modi inaugurated the start of the Lakhwar multipurpose project and ₹8,700 crore-worth of road projects. With the Government backing major infrastructure projects, Mr. Modi termed this the decade of Uttarakhand. While environmentalists have raised concerns over rules being broken for the large infrastructure projects, major parties have not yet raised the environmental concerns.

Issues of national security and the welfare of ex-service members are also dominating the campaign. With a large population of retired soldiers, Uttarakhand politics has always witnessed some grandstanding on issues that appeal to them. The brother of the late Chief of Defence Staff, General Bipin Rawat, Col. (retd.) Vijay Rawat, joined the BJP this week. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has projected another retired colonel, Ajay Kothiyal, as its chief ministerial candidate and promised government jobs to all ex-service members in the State. Mr. Dhami has spoken as the “son of a soldier” and said the BJP alone respects the forces. The BJP is trying to fight anti-incumbency and the impression that it is a divided house, having changed two Chief Ministers within months in 2021. The Congress is hoping to wrest back power, after having lost it in 2017. Infighting and tussles over ticket distribution within the party have come out into the open, with former Chief Minister Harish Rawat being one of the claimants to the leadership position. AAP has joined the race with the promise of development, replicating the Delhi model, and an end to the “power sharing” between the BJP and the Congress. A raft of promises, from free water and electricity to better schools, is being made. What is lacking is an informed debate on a development model that is suitable to the ecologically fragile place that Uttarakhand is.

 

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EDITORIAL TODAY (ENGLISH)

in this section, we are presenting our readers/aspirants compilation of selected editorials of national daily viz. The Hindu, The live mint,The Times of India, Hindustan Times, The Economic Times, PIB etc. This section caters the requirement of Civil Services Mains (GS + Essay) , PCS, HAS Mains (GS + Essay) & others essay writing competitions

1.Win for daughters: But more needed to ensure women’s property rights

In another win for women’s right to inheritance of property, the Supreme Court has ruled that daughters will have equal rights to their father’s property even prior to the enactment of the Hindu Succession Act (HSA) of 1956. In fact, it clarified that if a property of a male Hindu dying intestate is a self-acquired property or obtained in partition of a coparcenary or family property, the same would devolve by inheritance to daughters, and not by survivorship as was the case before 1956. The apex court has been progressively interpreting the 2005 amendment to the HSA and in 2020 clarified that daughters had coparcenary rights by birth.

In a country where women face massive social and legal hurdles to inheritance, this is a big win. Thanks to deep patriarchal mores and rural-agrarian settings, property, which is seen as a primary source of wealth, is largely inclined to be passed on to male heirs. This in turn deprives women of agency, financial independence and entrepreneurship. True, the recently released National Family Health Survey-5 says that 43% of women respondents reported owning house/land alone or jointly. But doubts remain about women’s ability to actually access and control property. In fact, a 2020 University of Manchester working paper found barely 16% of women in rural landowning households own land.

Plus, inheritance laws for agricultural land remain a minefield with conflicting central personal laws and state laws. In this regard, states such as Punjab, Haryana, UP and even Delhi have regressive inheritance provisions. In fact, Haryana twice tried to take away the progressive rights given to women through HSA, while in UP since 2016 married daughters aren’t considered primary heirs. Add to this ground-level resistance to registering land for women in several north Indian states. Thus, women’s empowerment and property rights remain an unfinished project.

2.Reform civil service: Too few senior officers, too many departments

The Centre’s proposed amendment to central deputation rules for IAS, IPS and Indian Forest Service officers to mitigate the shortage of personnel is being opposed by opposition-ruled states. The situation calls for reforms instead of confrontation. GoI’s grouse is that states haven’t been clearing enough officers for central deputation while states complain the new rules easing GoI’s ability to secure an assured supply of officers is a power grab in disguise. Both sides should recognise the key problems – shortage of officers and abundance of government departments.

Therefore, intake of officers through UPSC must increase. GoI’s Group A officers undertaking leadership roles account for just 2.8% of central employees. Too few senior public service employees undermines governance. India’s 3.8% of the workforce comprising public sector officials is pitifully low compared to 22.5% in UK, 13.5% in US and 28% in China. Against UP and Karnataka having 80 and 85 salaried government employees per 10,000 population, virtually no US state has corresponding numbers lower than 200.

Second, big ideas like lateral entry have stuttered. Reforms that streamline emoluments, link development outcomes to career progression, and insulate bureaucrats from unwarranted political interference, are needed to woo talent from corporate, research and academic fields. Third, sprawling governments need trimming. States are constantly spawning new PSUs and welfare bodies. For instance, in 2020, Andhra formed a whopping 56 backward class corporations. Instead of subdividing existing pies, talk about real reforms.

3.Wrong remedy: On IAS, IPS deputation rule changes

States have rightly raised questions about proposed rule changes on IAS, IPS deputation

That the wrong remedy could exacerbate an ailment and not cure it is a well understood adage. This holds true for the Union government’s (Department of Personnel & Training – DoPT) proposals to amend Rule 6 related to deputation of cadre officers of the IAS (Cadre) Rules 1954. Reports have shown that the deputation from States to the Union government has been uneven. Some States have not nominated officers for deputation adequately to work with the Union government; in this, West Bengal (11 out of the 280 officers are on central deputation), Rajasthan (13 out of 247) and Telangana (7 out of an authorised strength of 208) stand out. This has led to vacancies across Union government ministries. Numbers accessed by The Hindu show that actual deputation as a percentage of the mandated reserves fell from 69% (2014) to 30% (2021), suggesting that there is merit in the DoPT’s identification of shortages in deputation being an issue. But does this necessitate the rule changes proposed by the DoPT, which include acquiring overriding powers for the Union government that will do away with seeking approval from the States for transferring IAS and IPS officers?

Two of the rules are particularly problematic — in case of any disagreement between the Union and State governments, the States shall give effect to the former’s decision “within a specified time”. And in some “specific situations”, States would have to depute certain cadres whose services are sought by the Union government. These changes amount to arm-twisting States and unwilling bureaucrats to be deputed to serve the Union government and also presenting a fait accompli to States for “specific situations” which have not been defined and prone to misinterpretation and politicisation. These proposed changes have unsurprisingly raised the hackles of State governments. As governance responsibilities during the pandemic have shown, States are quite dependent upon the bureaucracy, and deputation to the Union government should not be done at the cost of State requirements. Also, the Union government must address the key question of the reluctance of capable civil servants to be deputed away from the States. Reports have indicated that civil servants have found the top-down culture in Union government offices to be stifling and prefer the relative autonomy at the State level. There is clearly a need for a more qualitative approach that tackles such work culture issues. Besides, a State-by-State look at deputation that disincentivises those States which depute officers much below the mandated numbers to the Union government by adjusting future cadre strength reviews by the Union Public Service Commission should also address the shortage problem. These steps are better than any rule changes that amount to fiats striking at federalism.

4.Himalayan questions: On the absence of environment in Uttarakhand campaign

Environmental issues have failed to dominate the campaign in an eco-fragile Uttarakhand

In the run-up to the February 14 Uttarakhand Assembly elections, temples and development are among the issues raised by politicians. Former Uttarakhand Chief Minister Trivendra Singh Rawat’s attempt to bring the four shrines of Badrinath, Kedarnath, Gangotri and Yamunotri as well as other temples under one board ended with the 2019 Act being withdrawn in November 2021, after continued opposition from priests. The new Chief Minister, Pushkar Singh Dhami, who in July 2021 replaced Tirath Singh Rawat, who had replaced Mr. Trivendra Singh Rawat in March of the same year, carried out a review. Mr. Dhami said while the decision to constitute the board may have been taken with good intentions, it had been rolled back after discussion within the Government. Going into the elections, everyone from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to local leaders in the BJP have touted the redevelopment of Kedarnath as among the achievements of what they call the “double engine” government in the Centre and Uttarakhand. In December, Mr. Modi inaugurated the start of the Lakhwar multipurpose project and ₹8,700 crore-worth of road projects. With the Government backing major infrastructure projects, Mr. Modi termed this the decade of Uttarakhand. While environmentalists have raised concerns over rules being broken for the large infrastructure projects, major parties have not yet raised the environmental concerns.

Issues of national security and the welfare of ex-service members are also dominating the campaign. With a large population of retired soldiers, Uttarakhand politics has always witnessed some grandstanding on issues that appeal to them. The brother of the late Chief of Defence Staff, General Bipin Rawat, Col. (retd.) Vijay Rawat, joined the BJP this week. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has projected another retired colonel, Ajay Kothiyal, as its chief ministerial candidate and promised government jobs to all ex-service members in the State. Mr. Dhami has spoken as the “son of a soldier” and said the BJP alone respects the forces. The BJP is trying to fight anti-incumbency and the impression that it is a divided house, having changed two Chief Ministers within months in 2021. The Congress is hoping to wrest back power, after having lost it in 2017. Infighting and tussles over ticket distribution within the party have come out into the open, with former Chief Minister Harish Rawat being one of the claimants to the leadership position. AAP has joined the race with the promise of development, replicating the Delhi model, and an end to the “power sharing” between the BJP and the Congress. A raft of promises, from free water and electricity to better schools, is being made. What is lacking is an informed debate on a development model that is suitable to the ecologically fragile place that Uttarakhand is.

 

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