1.Bold gamble: On announcement of Channai as Punjab CM candidate

The projection of Channi as CM candidate was forced on Congress, but is the right decision

If the elevation of Charanjit Singh Channi as Chief Minister in September 2021 was an accidental outcome of internal rivalries in the Congress, the party’s announcement that he would continue in the post if it wins the Assembly election is a bold gamble. The Congress has been reticent in projecting a singular leader in any State, and has often taken the plea that it believed in collective leadership. The announcement of a CM candidate, though not unprecedented, is rare for the Congress, and in this instance necessitated by the uniquely volatile social dynamic in Punjab at the moment. Entrenched social alignments in the State appear to be unravelling, and the Congress is trying to knit together a viable electoral majority, with a Dalit face as its axis. Punjab has close to 32% population of the Scheduled Caste community, while the Jat Sikh population is over 20%. But since 1977, the State has never seen a non-Jat Sikh Chief Minister — be it of the Congress party or the Shiromani Akali Dal, indicating the political dominance of the Jat Sikh community. Giani Zail Singh was the last non-Jat Sikh Chief Minister of Punjab between 1972-77.

The Congress has usually shied away from pronounced social justice politics, and in that sense, this is an audacious move which will have ripple effects in its strategy elsewhere too. Party leader Rahul Gandhi is driving a more accommodative caste politics, but the approach is evidently facing resistance from within the party and outside. Dalits in Punjab are not a homogeneous category. They are divided into 39 castes, clustered under different religions and sects locally called ‘Deras’. Mr. Channi belongs to the Ravidasia community of Dalits, which is a minuscule population of the total Dalits. Whether he can galvanise a larger politics of aspiration shared among all communities overlooked in the traditional power sharing models of the State remains an open question, but Mr. Channi does deserve the support he has found from the party. He has not been long enough in power to be judged for his track record as CM, but Mr. Channi is a good story teller and has a good story — which are essential ingredients for any successful politics. His prominence will in all likelihood set off reactions from Jat Sikhs and upper caste Hindus, considerable segments of whom have been with the Congress. Opponents of the Congress — the Shiromani Akali Dal-BSP alliance, the BJP-led alliance, and the Aam Aadmi Party — will all try to inflame the resentment among these communities to corner the Congress. The Congress is accused of playing caste politics by promoting a Dalit, and it is notable the rotation of power among the dominant Jat Sikhs for decades rarely caused such concerns. Perhaps that itself is proof that Mr. Channi deserved this chance.

2.When the music stops: On scrutiny of Boris Johnson’s leadership

Despite the U.K.’s success in vaccination, Boris Johnson’s leadership is under scrutiny

In the wake of the intensifying ‘Partygate’ scandal in the U.K., five close aides of Prime Minister Boris Johnson have resigned, putting the Conservative Party and its leadership in a tight spot over their handling of the COVID-19 pandemic and their adherence to the associated restrictions on public gatherings. The five senior members of Mr. Johnson’s office, including Chief of Staff Dan Rosenfield quit last week, following an incriminating enquiry into multiple social gatherings that took place at No.10 Downing Street during the early days of the pandemic when tight lockdown regulations had been imposed across the U.K. limiting all such parties. The scandal gained momentum after U.K. media published reports, including photographs, of senior members of Mr. Johnson’s team attending several parties held around June 2020, a time when gatherings of more than two people indoors were banned. Following the expected outrage in Parliament and the initiation of a police investigation, last week a report by Sue Gray, Second Permanent Secretary, was published. Her report found that 16 events took place between May 2020 and April 2021 including a drinks event in the Downing Street garden attended by Mr. Johnson on May 20, 2020, and a birthday celebration for Mr. Johnson in the Cabinet Room on June 19, 2020.

The scandal has rocked the confidence of Conservative MPs in their Prime Minister’s capacity to lead. Even though Culture Secretary Nadine Dorries insisted that a “vast majority” of them still support Mr. Johnson, some, such as Stephen Hammond, have said that they are “considering very carefully” whether he still has confidence in the PM, especially because “telling the truth matters, and nowhere more so than in the House of Commons”. Mr. Johnson has written to all Conservative MPs committing to improving “the way 10 Downing Street works”. But it appears that MPs are far from convinced that there was sufficient justification to hold these drinking parties at No.10 when the nation was facing lockdowns. Specifically, these events endangered public health, damaged public perception of the government and its commitment to pandemic regulations, and demonstrated failure to explore alternative, pandemic-compliant means to transact business. The most ominous sign of Mr. Johnson’s deteriorating prospects of continuing as PM are the MPs who have reportedly submitted a letter of no confidence to Sir Graham Brady, Chair of the 1922 Committee of backbench MPs. If 54 MPs submit such letters to Sir Graham, it will trigger a vote on Mr. Johnson’s leadership of the party. Given the progress made by his government in terms of vaccine administration, putting the U.K. at the top of the global vaccination league tables, it would be ironic if Mr. Johnson’s time in No.10 was remembered more for drinking parties and lockdown violations.

3.End nativism: Haryana’s, & other states’, job quotas for locals violate fundamental rights. Courts must say so

 

This week the Supreme Court is expected to begin hearing a case that will test the constitutionality of Haryana’s new law that reserves 75% of private sector jobs for locals, subject to a monthly salary cap of Rs 30,000. Haryana is not alone in an attempt to promote nativism by making it mandatory for private sector entities to reserve jobs for locals. Andhra Pradesh’s assembly passed a similar law and last year Jharkhand’s assembly followed suit. Punjab is set to replicate Haryana’s approach with this idea catching on as one of the many election promises.

Other than the legal premise underpinning domicile reservation, Haryana’s law has other alarming features. Its scope covers not just corporations but also trusts, societies and partnerships. Moreover, a “designated officer” is empowered to interpret matters in a way that is straight out of India’s discredited licence-permit-quota raj playbook. There are serious flaws in this law and similar ones passed by other states. Domicile-based reservation in the private sector violates fundamental rights of citizens from other states. There is no legal case for it. From an economic standpoint, domicile-based reservation wholly undermines the spirit of other laws that seek to create a common market in India.

Labour mobility is as essential as that of goods and services. Employers need the right to choose their workforce. It’s an integral part of creating a competitive economic environment. GoI’s schemes such as production-linked incentives (PLI) to promote manufacturing through private investments are incompatible with attempts by states to erect barriers to labour mobility. It’s one reason why GoI’s solicitor general arguing Haryana’s case made for poor optics. It’s GoI’s duty to push back against nativism and attempts to erect barriers to labour mobility. However, when the solicitor general argues Haryana’s case, it will only encourage would-be nativists.

Given the controversy that governors often generate, it’s inexplicable why some of them give their assent to legislations that violate fundamental rights. The apex court should resolve this matter soon by upholding fundamental rights. India’s path to economic prosperity depends on giving the private sector the space to make appropriate choices. And migration is what runs the labour market and keeps wages competitive. Nativism, therefore, is against both labour and capital – just what an economy recovering from the pandemic doesn’t need. Therefore, Haryana’s misguided attempt must be rejected. States need to work with industry on programmes that impart skills and make local youth more employable. In that way, everyone will gain.

4. Votes and Mines: Goa’s next government must revive the crucial mining sector, keeping environment in mind

With 9 of 40 seats in Goa, going to polls on February 14, dependent on mining revenues, the resumption of mining is a key political issue. BJP MLAs are incumbents in 7 of these constituencies and are having a tough time explaining the delay in issuing mining leases after the Supreme Court quashed the renewal of 88 mining leases in 2018. Opposition parties – Congress and AAP – have sniffed a political opening and promised to issue new leases within six months if voted to power.

The Goa mining fiasco has been a poor advertisement for governance in India. The failure to renew leases after they expired in 2007 combined with turning a blind eye to environmental violations had culminated in the mining ban between 2012 and 2014. But the renewal of 88 mining leases instead of issuing fresh leases, coupled with non-recovery of amounts due from old lessees for “illegal” mining between 2007 and 2012, led to SC quashing the leases in 2018.

With elections in mind, BJP’s Pramod Sawant government attempted to restart mining by setting up a PSU mining corporation and auctioning eight leases but neither took off. During the mining boom, the government earned revenues of Rs 950 crore in 2011-12, which dropped to a lowly Rs 6 crore in 2019-20. Loss of revenue is not a small matter for a small state with outstanding debt of over Rs 20,000 crore. Income loss for the nearly 3 lakh people dependent on mining was just as much of a shock. Tourism, the other big revenue earner, struggled during the pandemic. Goa hasn’t been able to diversify income streams. But given environmental concerns, recent incidents of flooding, and Goa’s population density, devising sustainable mining practices is the only way ahead for the mining industry. The government taking charge after the elections mustn’t repeat old mistakes